The second half of the 20th century, or the era of development, was characterized by the expansion of development projects. The reasons for the post-war reconstruction were the need to restore global economy after WWII, the evolution of colonialism into globalization, and the start of the Cold War. Colonizer nations provided development aids to poor nations to maintain colonial powers. There are several terms used to describe the development projects; for instance, technical assistance, technical co-operation, or building technical capacity.
The expansion of reconstruction projects gains interest from social scientists. During the development aids, knowledge and technology were transferred from one place to others, people from diverse backgrounds and cultures have to work together. Some agencies tried to evaluate technical assistance and improve project planning and the preparation of developers; however, they found that the outcomes were not predictable. The interdependence between technology and intercultural relations could not be overlooked. To understand the relations between technology and culture, new approaches to study innovation are needed.
The objective of the book is to fill in the conceptual blank spot in development aids. Thomas Gramming, an engineer-anthropologist from German, studies two different technology transfer projects to uncover common mechanisms at work using ethnographic approach. "The ultimate aim is to provide practitioners and researchers with a coherent theoretical model to understand technical assistance, moving from the particular to the general" (p. 3).
The two case studies used in the book concern transferring industrial technologies to less developed countries. One example is Appui Technique, a development project in Chad, one of the poorest countries in the world. The project was run by France’s Groupe de Recherche et d’Echanges Technologiques (GRET). Another case study is Autogeneración in Mexico. The project was run by the United States’ Hagler, Bailly, Inc. Although the two recipient countries have different economic statuses, the two development projects studied in the book were technology transfer projects supported by the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development (IBRD, or World Bank). Moreover, both projects turned out not as effective as promised despite there was no conflict of interest between actors in both cases.
In this project, Gramming does not focus on technological aspects of the projects but pays more attention to the actors involved. Local actors were local artisans, engineers, and populations. Foreign actors were experts, technology assistants, and consultants. The author applies a cultural analysis of the institutional and managerial practice to learn how actors struggled with power and cultural distance during the collaborations. By observing the developer-developee encounters, the researcher expects to see non-technical factors that led to projects’ unsuccessful outcomes.
Gramming was involved in Appui Technique project for 3 months in 1991 as a volunteer and ethnographer. GRET allowed him to be part of the project because they hoped to learn something from his expertise and the result of the ethnographic project. Contrary to the first case, Gramming was hired as a consultant in Autogeneración for 15 months during 1992 -1993. He conducted interviews and field observations in both cases to collect data. He claims that being accepted as an expert who could contribute to the project and play an intermediating role between foreign and local actors gave him access to people and insider activities.
Gramming has a lot of experiences managing technical assistance team and training in a number of countries. In this ethnographic study, he writes in the first person which allows him to present his experiences, opinions, and personal interpretations of the observed events. He informs readers what he aims to do, what he thinks, and how he interprets events. For instance, “[n]onetheless, their common reception of the observer did not give me an ‘objective’ view on the difficulties that each side encountered. I also had to extricate myself from my own context while I was participating in order to bear witness to the projects’ dynamics, and from the context of each project itself, in order to be able to compare them” (p. 93).
According to what he found from the two projects, Gramming suggests that social and cultural components of technological activities play significant role in technology transfer and technology assistance programs. Through a series of interviews and observations, the author found the contradict social meanings of technology and cultural distance between local and foreign participants. For instance, many Chad artisans did not understand the objective of technology assistance project from the developer's’ perspective. Gramming noticed from several conversations with local artisans that they used the word ‘professor’ or ‘teacher’ when referring to foreign experts. It shows that the local artisans had the perception of the experts being there to teach or to instruct them. Therefore, what they had to do was to learn and do everything the experts said. However, the ideal practice of technology transfer is that the developers and developees work together as a team and learn from each other.
In the case of the project in Mexico, the gap between foreign and local actors did not origin from their unequal technological competence; rather it derived from their perceptions of each other. The experts from US and engineers in Mexico had equal level of expertise and technical skills. Actually, they did not have hard time constituting homogeneous working groups. For example, on page 65, the author describes how furniture, tools, and devices were arranged in their office. According to the field work, Gramming could see that eight foreign and thirteen local engineers worked in the same space and shared everything equally. However, the obstacle to create working relationship between actors was that both foreign and local actors did not try to learn about their counterparts’ cultures and social meanings. Some of the US experts could not recognize local know-how practiced by local engineers. Therefore, they could not understand why the local engineers did not adopt the new know-how from US partners and why the new machine designs were not popular in the market. At the same time, Mexican engineers took a defensive position because they did not want to be dominated by people from the former colonizer country. They also thought that American experts did not really understand the local people’s needs and many of them worked on the project for their own profits.
Technology cannot be separated from social and cultural contexts, especially when a Technology is moved from one culture to another. The author uses Friedman’s concept of exo-sociality and endo-sociality to understand how an individual interprets foreign goods or ideas to seek cultural confirmation and social identity (p. 84). The author concludes that the case study in Chad represents an exo-social process which suggests that intelligence from outside reducing the significance of inside condition. Chad artisans were willing to learn outside knowledge but they could not incorporate their local meaning into the knowledge, therefore it is did not turn out practical for them. The actors still remained distance even though they could see each other’s intention. On the other hand, the condition in Mexico was endo-social. The foreign and local actors had equal levels of technical knowledge and skills; the new produced knowledge was the result of the Mexican encounter with foreigners. However, the obstacle was that the actors did not see each other. They were locked inside their own perceptions and did not create personal relationship.
This ethnographic study reveals something that cannot be observed from outsiders’ eyes. The authors immersed himself in the fields, interacted with people in the fields, and observed their daily lives. There are several factors that can impact collaborations: communication between partners, perception, expectation, and so on. These factors cannot be identified through number or traditional project evaluation. Gramming does a great job in unveiling the hidden social and cultural factors. He provides a number of examples to support his interpretations.